Germany Heading For Political Instability After EU Elections

Mainstream media’s reaction to the European election results in Germany for the EU elections rejoiced in the poor showing of the Eurosceptic, anti — immigration AfD but chose to ignore the far more significant trends that are emerging in German politics, trends that threaten the political and by extension economic stability of the EU’s most powerful nation.

The media trumpeted the regression of the right. Alternative for Germany’s (AfD) finishing with 11% of votes cast after after polling at a high of 18% in 2018 was spun as proof Chancellor Merkel had turned back the tide of nationalism and put Germany back on its integrationist, globalist path.

But while it may be premature to write off the AfD because it is entirely possible their supporters suffered a bout of apathy with regard to the European Parliament, being aware the European Commission will not allow any nationalist grouping to gain influence in the parliament, the Left made some astonishing gains at the expense of Merkel’s CDU and its coalition partners the CSU and SDP. The always fragile coalition is now in even more trouble, combining votes for coalition members gives them only only 45% of votes cast with the collapse of the once invincible Social Democrats (SPD) continuing as they gained just 15.6 % of the vote. The conservatives of the CDU / CSU alliance gained a combined 28.7%

The result in Bremen gave a powerful illustration of how Germans have abandoned the centre left. The city has voted solid SPD for 73 years, but last month lost to the Merkel’s CDU in both European and regional elections. This was not a total success for the CDU however, they simply haemorrhaged votes to the AfD nationalists and the classical liberals of the Free Democrats Party at a lower rate that SDP voters deserted the party for the far — left Greens and the Marxist Left Party.

With Merkel allegedly disavowing her promise to retire as head of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and SDP leader Andrea Nehles resigning as a consequence of the party’s disastrous decline, his has now thrown the survival of the current Grand Coalition into doubt. The question now is whether it can survive until the next election in 2021 although some political commentators are saying it is unlikely to survive beyond three regional elections in German federal states where the CDU and SDP are seen as vulnerable.

Meanwhile The Greens surged to more than 20% nationally and from being traditional recipients of the protest vote on as a protest vote twenty years ago over have become serious contenders for power as voters rejected another four years of the SPD lamely rubber-stamping Merkel’s EU-first policies because they was they could keep a couple of fingers on the levers of power.

The greater significance of these statistics lies in trends outside Germany. These EU election results imply that the SPD may be, like the Tories in the U.K., in terminal decline. The Greens in Germany are of the most aggressively far left of all environmentalist paries in the EU. They are far more committed to about enacting societal change through Progressive aka Cultural Marxist policies and believe the SPD have been Merkel’s stooges as the pushed for the integration of EU member states into a single political entity for too long. Their success in the European elections will only make them more strident.

Germany’s Greens are more closely aligned with the far — left wing of the US Democrats whose rising star Alexandria Ocasio — Cortez, proposer of the notorious Green New Deal, which the Bambi — eyed, Goofy — brained Ms Cortez is not well read enough to recognise as Stalinism with an environmentalist veneer.

The rise of The Green Party in Germany will have knock-on effects throughout the EU as too.

As Nigel Farage said after the Brexit Party’s stunning victory in Britain’s European election, politics is changing. New parties of both left and right are gaining at the expense of the mainstream parties who have long taken for granted the votes of their core constituencies as they plotted and schemed to transfer power to unaccountable supra — national bureaucracies and global corporate cartels. The rise of left and right factions (the labels have little significance now,) indicates a desire among voters to localise power. Enough centralisation, they say. A global approach to certain problems does not need a globalist government of appointed bureaucrats.

As many European political commentators have written, the center isn’t holding in Europe, nor in the USA, Australia or Canada it seems. The election of Donald Trump in the USA, the UK’s vote to leave the EU, the vicory of left wing, anti — EU Syriza in Greece back in 2015, the collapse of centre right and centre left in Spain which has seen the country stumble along without an effective government since 2014, the success of anti — EU, anti — immigration League in Italy all show a swing away from the centre. Even Germany’s Greens are campaigning for more attention to be paid to Germany’s problems and less to the globalist agenda.

It adds up to the conclusion that the era of centrist consensus are over, politicians like Merkel are dinosaurs, Grand coalitions such as hers with their traditional opponents the SDP, which stand for nothing except the advancement of the European federalisation project have, from both sides of the political aisle, been the big losers in recent elections .

From now on political radicals of both left and right will have far greater influence over the course of the European Union and the democratic world. Merkel is on the way out anyway, and as the candidates to replace her from within her own party look every bit as mediocre as the SDP hopefuls who hope to remove her from power in an election, it is possible someone from The Green Party or Alternatif fur Deutschland could become Chancellor.

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The problem for Germany, however, as has occurred in Spain, Belgium and the UK is that there is now neither natural party of government as the UK’s Conservatives or germany’s SDP once were, nor a workable coalition available.

The Greens, with their extreme anti — industry agenda were the main reason Merkel had such a difficult time putting a coalition together after 2017’s election when Germany functioned without a government for six months. She will either have to move left to appease the Greens, which would drive a wedge between her party Bavaria’s Christian Social Union (CSU) or consider a coalition with AfD, which is anathema to anyone who supports the Federal Europe project. Merkel has alienated many older and more conservative CDU voters over the past eighteen months by focusing on defending her disastrous ‘open doors’ immigration policy and decrying the rise of AfD that it has now become almost certain that immigration and the federal Europe project could cause the coalition to fall apart.

This augurs ill for her party in three big state elections in eastern Germany later this year — Brandenburg, Saxony and Thuringia. All are AfD strongholds now, AfD holding power in the regional assemblies in Brandenburg and Saxony and being the main opposition in Thuringia. Should AfD recover from the European election setback the shift in the power balance will set up a strong East/West divide in Germany which Merkel’s talk of closer integration with France and her criticism of Poland’s nationalist government is doing nothing to improve.

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